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Talk:Israeli–Palestinian peace process

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Wrong Security Council resolution

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Just noticed in the 2nd paragraph of the lead section it refers to Resolution 388 which is an unrelated resolution relating to Rhodesia. I believe that it should instead be referring to Resolution 338 (not 388) which called for a ceasefire to the Yom Kippur War. Snkn179 (talk) 03:30, 14 April 2024 (UTC)[reply]

Thanks, done. Yr Enw (talk) 05:33, 14 April 2024 (UTC)[reply]

Out of context Rabin quote

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The following quote from Rabin was recently added to the section "Israeli views on the peace process":

I always believed that most of the people want peace and are ready to take a risk for it

This quote belongs in either a hagiographical account, or in a context explaining Rabin's policies towards the peace process. Presented in a quote box, this quote is specifically decontextualized. I propose to remove this quotebox, or move the quote into the body as part of a paragraph which discusses Rabin's policies. DMH223344 (talk) 15:58, 8 May 2024 (UTC)[reply]

Elaboration regarding that demand to recognize Israel as a jewish state

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I would suggest the following amendment. Please change X, which is: "In addition, the Israeli government rejected any possible agreement with Palestine as long as it refuses to recognize Israel as a Jewish state.

This is in accordance with the principle of the two-state solution, first proposed in the 1980s ..." To Y, which is: "In addition, the Israeli government rejected any possible agreement with Palestine as long as it refuses to recognize Israel as a Jewish state.

Referring to the issue of recognizing the Jewishness of the State of Israel following Netanyahu's "Bar-Ilan Speech," Abu Mazen warned against presenting a condition for recognizing Israel's Jewish character on the part of the Palestinians. He expressed concern over Netanyahu’s approach of setting "obstructive conditions" ("شروط تعجيزية") of this kind, "which have no basis in the sources of peace authority or international decisions. Although we have already recognized the State of Israel, the demand that we recognize it as a Jewish state is a precondition that cannot be accepted." Abu Mazen explained that accepting the demand would fuel the religious dimension of the conflict (in his words, turn it into a "destructive religious conflict") and endanger the future of Arab Israelis. It also contradicts the logic by which Palestinians receive compensation for the refugee situation. In interviews conducted in 2012 and 2013, Abu Mazen explained that the question of the state's Jewishness is not a matter for the Palestinians, as they are indifferent to how the Jews define their state, and that this is a new condition introduced by Israel. Some argue that the demand for Abu Mazen to recognize Israel as a Jewish state was a "ploy" introduced into the negotiations to sabotage them. Conflict researchers Matti Steinberg and Shaul Arieli explain that this is a demand that is not accepted in international relations, as countries do not typically "recognize" the national character of other countries. They add that there was a legitimate concern on the Palestinian side that the demand could be used to discriminate against Arabs who are Israeli citizens, and that it was perceived as a demand intended to humiliate Abbas. Additionally, Steinberg explains that this demand is absent from the peace treaties between Israel and Egypt and Jordan, from the negotiations with Syria, and even from the Abraham Accords. Steinberg further explains that from a historical perspective, this is also the traditional position of the right-wing camp in Israel. He cites, for example, Menachem Begin's words (first Israeli Prime Minister from Likud party) in his first speech in the Knesset as Prime Minister, where he said, "We do not expect anyone to request on our behalf that our right to exist in our ancestral homeland be recognized. The only recognition necessary between us and our neighbors is recognition of sovereignty and the mutual need for peaceful and understanding lives." He also mentions Ze'ev Jabotinsky’s stance in his testimony before the Peel Commission: "I do not believe it is desirable for any state’s constitution to contain special clauses that preemptively guarantee its 'national' character... When I use the term 'Hebrew state,' I mean a community or a stretch of land enjoying a sufficient degree of self-governance... and in which there is a Jewish majority." This is in accordance with the principle of the two-state solution, first proposed in the 1980s ..."

Sources - 3 books [one of them is an article within a book] by 2 prominent researchers: שאול אריאלי "ככה בדיוק קרה? 12 מיתוסים ישראלים על הסכסוך הישראלי-פלסטיני", ספרי עליית הגג וידיעות ספרים, 2021


מתי שטיינברג ב"על העיוורון: התביעה להכרה ביהודיותה של המדינה כמקרה-מבחן", מתוך 25 שנה לתהליך אוסלו; ציון דרך בניסיונות ליישוב הסכסוך הישראלי-פלסטיני כרמל ירושלים (אפרים לביא, יעל רונן והנרי פישמן עורכים) בעמ' 401-402.


Matti Steinberg, In Search of Modern Palestinian Nationhood The Moshe Dayan Center, Tel-Aviv University (2016) --Amir Segev Sarusi (talk) 14:34, 25 September 2024 (UTC)[reply]

Not done, It is an unclear edit request that would also require consensus of EC editors. Selfstudier (talk) 15:26, 25 September 2024 (UTC)[reply]

Extended-confirmed-protected edit request on 22 November 2024

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This is an outright lie. The fans state of israel will be held accountable for their genocidal war crimes 173.19.174.122 (talk) 16:26, 22 November 2024 (UTC)[reply]

 Not done: it's not clear what changes you want to be made. Please mention the specific changes in a "change X to Y" format and provide a reliable source if appropriate. — BerryForPerpetuity (talk) 16:40, 22 November 2024 (UTC)[reply]

Proposed new section on books

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Since there are a number of books on the subject for further reference, I would suggest adding the following section:

A Partial List of Books on the Israel-Palestine history and the Israel-Palestine peace process:

English

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  • Mark Tessler. A History of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. Indiana University Press, 2009, ISBN-13: 978-0253220707
  • William B. Quandt. The Peace Process: From Breakthrough to Breakdown. Brookings Institution Press, 2005, ISBN-13: 978-0520246317
  • Sami Adwan, Dan Bar-On, and Eyal Naveh (editors). Side by Side: Parallel Histories of Israel-Palestine. New Press, 2012, ISBN-13: 978-1595586834
  • Avi Shlaim. The Iron Wall: Israel and the Arab World. Norton, 2001, ISBN-13: 978-0393321128


  • Dennis Ross. Doomed to Succeed: The U.S.–Israel Relationship from Truman to Obama. Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2015.
  • Benny Morris. Righteous Victims: A History of the Zionist-Arab Conflict, 1881–1999. Knopf, 1999.
  • Nathan Thrall. The Only Language They Understand: Forcing Compromise in Israel and Palestine. Metropolitan Books, 2017.

Hebrew

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  • אפרים קארש. תהליך השלום: הניסיונות לכונן שלום בין ישראל לעולם הערבי (The Peace Process: Attempts to Establish Peace between Israel and the Arab World). Hebrew Edition.
  • תום שגב. מדינה בדרך (A State in the Making). Hebrew Edition.
  • אבי שליים. הקיר הברזל (The Iron Wall). Hebrew Edition.

Arabic

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  • رشيد الخالدي. تاريخ فلسطين الحديث: من العهد العثماني إلى القرن الحادي والعشرين (The Modern History of Palestine: From the Ottoman Period to the 21st Century). Arabic Edition.
  • أفي شليم. السلام المراوغ: إسرائيل والعرب (The Elusive Peace: Israel and the Arabs). Arabic Edition.
  • مهدي عبد الهادي. الصراع العربي الإسرائيلي: مئة سؤال وجواب (The Arab-Israeli Conflict: 100 Questions and Answers). Arabic Edition.
  • تشارلز دي سميث. فلسطين وإسرائيل: تاريخ مختصر للصراع (Palestine and Israel: A Short History of the Conflict). Arabic Edition.

Multilingual

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  • Jack Berriault et al. Israel and Palestine - A Common Historical Narrative. Multilingual Edition (English, Hebrew, Arabic). Israel Academic Press, 2020 ISBN-13: 978-1885881610

Contraverse (talk) 15:24, 29 December 2024 (UTC)[reply]

@Contraverse: Please add them at Bibliography of the Arab–Israeli conflict if they are not already there. Selfstudier (talk) 15:32, 29 December 2024 (UTC)[reply]